See id., at 55,58. See 808 F. 430 U. S., at 168 (opinion of WHITE, J., joined by STEVENS and REHNQUIST, JJ.) enough enclaves of black neighborhoods." The other part of the majority's explanation of its holding is related to its simultaneous discomfort and fascination with irregularly shaped districts. of Oral Arg. Although the Court concluded that the redistricting scheme at issue in Beer was nonretrogressive, it did not hold that the plan, for that reason, was immune from constitutional challenge. Freedom of Speech, Assembly, and Association. Of course the Court has not held that the disadvantaging effect of these uses of race can never be justified by a sufficiently close relationship to a sufficiently strong state interest. The plaintiffs alleged that the statute excluded nonwhites from one district and concentrated them in the other three. *Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed for the American Jewish Congress by Marc D. Stern and Lois C. Waldman; for the Republican National Committee by Benjamin L. Ginsberg and Michael A. Hess; and for the Washington Legal Foundation et al. Constitution prohibits using race as the basis for how to draw districts 2. What appellants object to is redistricting legislation that is so extremely irregular on its face that it rationally can be viewed only as an effort to segregate the races for purposes of voting, without regard for traditional districting principles and without sufficiently compelling justification. Disregard for geographic divisions and compactness often goes hand in hand with partisan gerrymandering. Draper uses the allowance method for receivables, estimating uncollectibles to be 5% of January credit sales. US attorney general rejected a North Carolina congressional reappointment plan because the plan created only one black majority district, 1. Did the North Carolina residents who objected to the majority-minority district raise a valid question under the Fourteenth Amendment? Hence, I see no need. Katzenbach, Michael R. Cole, Alan E. Kraus, Laughlin McDonald, Kathy Wilde, E. Richard Larson, and Dennis Courtland Hayes; for the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., by Elaine R. Jones, Charles Stephen Ralston, and Dayna L. Cunningham; and for Bolley Johnson et al. An understanding of the nature of appellants' claim is critical to our resolution of the case. 1. In each instance, race is consciously utilized by the legislature for electoral purposes; in each instance, we have put the plaintiff challenging the district lines to the. Did North Carolina residents claim that the 1990 redistricting plan discriminated on the basis of race raise a valid constitutional issue under the 14th Amendment's Equal Protection Clause? 10 This appears to be what has occurred in this instance. By a 2-to-1 vote, the District Court also dismissed the complaint against the state appellees. On the brief were Acting Solicitor General Bryson, Acting Assistant Attorney General Turner, Thomas G. Hungar, and Jessica Dunsay Silver. tution), it has seemed more appropriate for the Court to identify impermissible uses by describing particular effects sufficiently serious to justify recognition under the Fourteenth Amendment. In Beer, we held that a reapportionment plan that created one majorityminority district where none existed before passed muster under 5 because it improved the position of racial minorities. It does so by glossing over the striking similarities, focusing on surface differences, most notably the (admittedly unusual) shape of the newly created districtand imagining an entirely new cause of action. When a district obviously is created solely to effectuate the perceived common interests of one racial group, elected officials are more likely to believe that their primary obligation is to represent only the members of that group, rather than their constituency as a whole. c. Answer the questions in part (b) for the minimum body temperature during the 24-hour period. Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972) Roe v. Wade (1973) Shaw v. Reno (1993) United States v. Lopez (1995) McDonald v. Chicago (2010) Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010) . Our voting rights precedents support that conclusion. In that, state efforts to remedy minority vote dilution are wholly unlike what typically has been labeled "affirmative action." to Juris. Because of previous acts of racial discrimination, North Carolina fell under the provisions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which mandated that any redistricting plan adopted by the state legislature be submitted to the U.S. Justice Department or the District Court for the District of Columbia for approval. US attorney general rejected a North Carolina congressional reappointment plan because the plan created only one black majority district, 1. Edwin S. Kneedler argued the cause for federal appellees. JUSTICE SOUTER contends that exacting scrutiny of racial gerrymanders under the Fourteenth Amendment is inappropriate because reapportionment "nearly always require[s] some consideration of race for legitimate reasons." The majority attempts to distinguish UJO by imagining a heretofore unknown type of constitutional claim. It is evident to me, however, that what North Carolina did was precisely tailored to meet the objection of the Attorney General to its prior plan. 2 It should be noted that 2 of the Voting Rights Act forbids any State to impose specified devices or procedures that result in a denial or abridgment of the right to vote on account of race or color. The Court ruled that claims of racial redistricting must be held to a standard of strict scrutiny, meaning that any law that results in classification by race must have a compelling government interest, be narrowly tailored to meet that goal, and be the least restrictive means for achieving that interest. McCain v. Lybrand, 465 U. S. 236, 245 (1984) (quoting South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U. S. 301, 334, 335 (1966)).5 Like New York, North Carolina failed to prove to, 5 In Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U. S. 30, 38 (1986), we noted the District Court's findings that "North Carolina had officially discriminated against. UJO, 430 U. S., at 162165 (opinion of WHITE, J. The Fifteenth Amendment, ratified in 1870 after a bloody Civil War, promised unequivocally that "[t]he right of citizens of the United States to vote" no longer would be "denied or abridged by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." Part of the explanation for the majority's approach has to do, perhaps, with the emotions stirred by words such as "segregation" and "political apartheid." Redistricting plans also reflect group interests and inevitably are conceived with partisan aims in mind. I fail to see how a decision based on a failure to establish discriminatory intent can support the inference that it is unnecessary to prove discriminatory effect. The logic of its theory appears to be that race-conscious redistricting that "segregates" by drawing odd-shaped lines is qualitatively different from race-conscious redistricting that affects groups in some other way. Our conclusion is supported by the plurality opinion in UJO, in which four Justices determined that New York's creation of additional majority-minority districts was constitutional because the plaintiffs had failed to demonstrate that the State "did more than the Attorney General was authorized to require it to do under the nonretrogression principle of Beer." After the 1990 census, the North Carolina General Assembly was entitled to a 12th seat in the U.S. House of Representatives and redrew its congressional districts to account for the changes in population. See, e. g., Croson, supra, at 509 (plurality opinion). "Dilution" thus refers to the effects of districting decisions not on an individual's political power viewed in isolation, but on the political power of a group. Croson, supra, at 500 (quoting Wygant, supra, at 277 (plurality opinion)). Beer v. United States, 425 U. S. 130, 144 (1976) (WHITE, J., dissenting). For example, on remand North Carolina might claim that it adopted the revised plan in order to comply with the 5 "nonretrogression" principle. The facts of this case mirror those presented inUnited Jewish Organizations of Williamsburgh, Inc. v. Carey(1977) (UJO), where the Court rejected a claim that creation of a majority-minority district violated the Constitution, either as aper sematter or in light of the circumstances leading to the creation of such a district. Finally, the highly fractured decision in UJO does not foreclose the claim recognized here, which is analytically distinct from the vote-dilution claim made there. App. Race in redistricting is permissible as long as configurations are not too extreme, ch 7 part 2 prep pronouns and demonstratives, Christina Dejong, Christopher E. Smith, George F Cole, Government in America: Elections and Updates Edition, George C. Edwards III, Martin P. Wattenberg, Robert L. Lineberry. They reinforce the belief, held by too many for too much of our history, that individuals should be judged by the color of their skin. For the following sentence, locate the action verb and underline it twice. Our voting rights precedents support that conclusion. [W]e believe that reapportionment is one area in which appearances do matter. To comply with 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965-which prohibits a covered jurisdiction from implementing changes in a "standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting" without federal authorizationNorth Carolina submitted to the Attorney General a congressional reapportionment plan with one majority-black district. See Garza v. County of Los Angeles, 918 F.2d 763, 771 (CA9 1990). See Fed. 6 This is not to say that a group that has been afforded roughly proportional representation never can make out a claim of unconstitutional discrimination. UJO, supra, at 150. Again, in White v. Regester, supra, the same criteria were used to uphold the District Court's finding that a redistricting plan was unconstitutional. Pleading such an element, the Court holds, suffices without a further allegation of harm, to state a claim upon which relief can be granted under the Fourteenth Amendment. 21-24 (Powell, J., joined by STEVENS, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (describing "grotesque gerrymandering" and "unusual shapes" drawn solely to deprive Democratic voters of electoral power). SHAW v. RENO(1993) No. Because Gingles involved North Carolina, which the Court admits has earlier established the existence of "pervasive racial bloc voting," ante, at 656, its citizens and legislators-as well as those from other States-will no doubt be confused by the Court's requirement of evidence in one type of case that the Constitution now prevents reliance on in another. In an opinion which explored the nature of "political questions" and the appropriateness of Court action in them, the Court held that there were no such questions to be answered in this case and that legislative apportionment was a justiciable issue. Statement 102a. Allen v. State Bd. We have indicated that similar preconditions apply in 2 challenges to single-member districts. They have made no showing that the redistricting scheme was employed as part of a 'contrivance to segregate'; to minimize or cancel out the voting strength of a minority class or interest; or otherwise to impair or burden the opportunity of affected persons to participate in the political process." Putting that to one side, it seems utterly implausible to me to presume, as the Court does, that North Carolina's creation of this strangely shaped majority-minority district "generates" within the white plaintiffs here anything comparable to "a feeling of inferi-. Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S. 229, 239 (1976). cases of electoral districting and one for most other types of state governmental decisions. 86.3% of the population in the 18th District was classified as nonwhite or Puerto Rican. Journalize the entry to record the identification of the customers bad debt. Find the derivative T(t)T^{\prime}(t)T(t). As we have said, "it requires no special genius to recognize the political consequences of drawing a district line along one street rather than another." It also will be true where the minority population is not scattered but, for reasons unrelated to racefor example incumbency protection-the State would rather not create the majority-minority district in its most "obvious" location.10 When, as is the case here, the creation of. See ante, at 661-663, 669-670.6. (Assume there is no difference between the pretax and aftertax accounts payable cost.). As UJO held, a State is entitled to take such action. Indeed, the facts of the case would not have supported such a claim. We said as much in Gaffney: "[C]ourts have [no] constitutional warrant to invalidate a state plan, otherwise within tolerable population limits, because it undertakes, not to minimize or eliminate the political strength of any group or party, but to recognize it and, through districting, provide a rough sort of proportional representation in the legislative halls of the State." In the 1992 elections voters in both districts selected black representatives. Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356; Guinn v. United States, 238 U. S. 347; cf. It reinforces racial stereotypes and threatens to undermine our system of representative democracy by signaling to elected officials that they represent a particular racial group rather than their constituency as a whole. A reapportionment plan that includes in one district individuals who belong to the same race, but who are otherwise widely separated by geographical and political boundaries, and who may have little in common with one another but the color of their skin, bears an uncomfortable resemblance to political apartheid. The question before us is whether appellants have stated a cognizable claim. for a remand at all, even accepting the majority's basic approach to this case. (b) Classifications of citizens based solely on race are by their nature odious to a free people whose institutions are founded upon the doctrine of equality, because they threaten to stigmatize persons by reason of their membership in a racial group and to incite racial hostility. There is thus no theoretical inconsistency in having two distinct approaches to equal protection analysis, one for. Under that principle, a proposed voting change cannot be precleared if it will lead to "a retrogression in the position of racial minorities with respect to their effective exercise of the electoral franchise." Supp., at 472-473. What is the immediate change to Brief for Federal Appellees lOa-lla. See ante, at 647. The same principle pertains in nondistricting aspects of voting law, where race-based discrimination places the disfavored voters at the disadvantage of exclusion from the franchise without any alternative benefit. Appellants' racial gerrymandering claims must be examined against the backdrop of this country's long history of racial discrimination in voting. Appellants contend that redistricting legislation that is so bizarre on its face that it is "unexplainable on grounds other than race," Arlington Heights, supra, at 266, demands the same close scrutiny that we give other state laws that classify citizens by race. See Tr. 657-658. Increased use of accounts payable financing: Because this financing is part of the companys ongoing daily business, it has no flotation costs, and the company assigns it a cost that is the same as the overall firm WACC. They did not even claim to be white. Allen v. State Board of Elections(1969) (emphasis added). ); post, at 684, and n. 6 (opinion of SOUTER, J. Explain in words and with a diagram. Indeed, racial classifications receive close scrutiny even when they may be said to burden or benefit the races equally. The three-judge District Court granted the federal appellees' motion to dismiss. Ostensibly race-neutral devices such as literacy tests with "grandfather" clauses and "good character" provisos were devised to deprive black voters of the franchise. Since there is no justification for the departure here from the principles that continue to govern electoral districting cases generally in accordance with our prior decisions, I would not respond to the seeming egregiousness of the redistricting now before us by untethering the concept of racial gerrymander in such a case from the concept of harm exemplified by dilution. Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U. S. 725, 755 (1983) (STEVENS, J., concurring) ("One need not use Justice Stewart's classic definition of obscenity-'I know it when I see it' -as an ultimate standard for judging the constitutionality of a gerrymander to recognize that dramatically irregular shapes may have sufficient probative force to call for an explanation" (footnotes omitted)). That duty, however, is not violated when the majority acts to facilitate the election of a member of a group that lacks such power because it remains underrepresented in the state legislature-whether that group is defined by political affiliation, by common economic interests, or by religious, ethnic, or racial characteristics. At issue in Wright were four districts contained in a New York apportionment statute. Ibid. Yet, under the State's plan, they still constitute a voting majority in 10 (or 83%) of the 12 congressional districts. Post, at 671 (WHITE, J., dissenting); see also post, at 684 (SOUTER, J., dissenting). For much of our Nation's history, that right sadly has been denied to many because of race. I have no doubt that a State's compliance with the Voting Rights Act clearly constitutes a compelling interest. Lane v. Wilson, 307 U. S. 268; Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U. S. (1) The Common Cause District Court concluded that all but one of the districts in North Carolina's 2016 Plan violated the Equal Protection Clause by intentionally diluting the voting strength of Demo crats. 364 U. S., at 341. v. RENO, ATTORNEY GENERAL, ET AL. post, at 684-685 (dissenting opinion). In whatever district, the individual voter has a right to vote in each election, and the election will result in the voter's representation. v. RENO, ATTORNEY GENERAL, et al. Post, at 680 (dissenting opinion). Fast Facts: Shaw v. Reno Case Argued: April 20, 1993 Decision Issued: June 28, 1993 The VRA required an increase in the representation of minority groups. Drawing on the "one person, one vote" principle, this Court recognized that "[t]he right to vote can be affected by adilutionof voting power as well as by an absolute prohibition on casting a ballot." 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